2008-04-30, 09:25:03
By Gadiosa Lamtey
Prominent scholars have said immediate former president Benjamin Mkapa could be taken to court if there is enough evidence linking him to abuses of office. The scholars, among them reputable lawyers, said in interviews yesterday that the abuses would include fishy transactions in the public service entered into during his ten-year administration. The retired third-phase president is one of the most high-profile targets of rapidly circulating reports relating to grand corruption allegations. One is that he and Daniel Yona, once Energy and Minerals minister under him, bought the 4bn/- state-run Kiwira coal mine at a paltry 700m/- but ultimately paid a mere 70m/- for it. Tanzania`s constitution stipulates that the country`s sitting president enjoys immunity from criminal and civil proceedings in respect of anything done or not done in his or her personal capacity as an ordinary citizen. The law also prohibits people from instituting criminal or civil proceedings for anything done or not done in his or her capacity as president even after he or she is no longer in power. But some Dar es Salaam-based lawyers contacted for comment on the issue yesterday said, the provisions of the constitution notwithstanding, the government is still obliged to take legal action against any former president using his or her office for personal gain. The legal experts interviewed observed that, in accordance with the Presidential Affairs Act, Mkapa`s immunity may be waived if he would be proven to have deliberately abused his office. Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) Executive Director Hellen Kijo-Bisimba said the Act can only protect a president executing his or her official duties at the State House ``but the law provides for the president to be taken to task when it is proved that he or she used the public office to do private business``. Kijo-Bisimba expressed hope that the ongoing investigations into the allegations relating to the coal mine?s controversial purchase would come up with the best decision on how to deal with the former president. She pointed out that the National Assembly has the legal mandate to waive president`s immunity when necessary and allow the law to take its course. ``What happened to former Zambian president Frederick Chiluba could happen in Tanzania as well. Just as the Zambian legislature waived Chiluba`s presidential immunity and allowed the government to file a case against him, there could be a similar development here.`` Chiluba is facing a pending criminal case for alleged involvement in the gross misappropriation of public funds when he was president of Zambia. Human rights activist and legal counsel Tundu Lissu observed that the International Criminal Court had categorically stated that the law should not be used to protect presidents or anybody violating human rights or otherwise breaking the law. He recommended that Tanzania`s constitution similarly stipulate that even the president could face legal action once found use his or her (public) office to further personal interests. ``Mkapa has no excuse on this; the government should take him to court and make him respond to the allegations levelled against him,`` he said. Another legal expert, Twaha Tasilima, said: ``It is not always and at all costs that a sitting or former president can be protected by the law. There are situations where the immunity can be revoked if it is believed that he or she misused his or her presidential powers.`` He expressed full support for the decision by the Jakaya Kikwete government to investigate the allegations against the former president ``so that the facts can be known and appropriate legal and other measures can be taken. ``It is a laudable development and the people are eagerly waiting for the outcome of the investigations. Should it mean finally taking the former president to court, then that will serve as a lesson to other prominent public figures to act likewise,`` Lissu pointed out. Prof Mwesiga Baregu, a long-serving don with the University of Dar es Salaam, noted that it was ``prime time for President Kikwete to allow the law to take its course unimpeded by personal interests``. He said the country`s constitution does not allow anyone to break the law and get away with it and agreed with those insisting that the former president should be taken to court to answer the allegations levelled against him. Dr Edmund Sengondo Mvungi, Dean of the university`s Department of Constitutional and Administrative Law, stated that the law actually provided for the impeachment of a retired president. ``The Constitution protects the President when he or she executes his or her official duties at the State House but the law is clear that he or she should be taken to task for conducting private business in contravention of the laws of the land,`` he explained. Dr Mvungi elaborated that the Constitution offered protection to the president only in the course of performing legitimate public duties he is entrusted by the citizenry to perform, ``the duties including inspecting guards of honour but not illegal undertakings``. ``I would strongly recommend that President Jakaya Kikwete decide fast on the next step to take in view of prevailing murky circumstances,`` he said. Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda told the National Assembly late last week that the government had begun working on allegations of abuse of office and other charges levelled against some third-phase government leaders. He said the government was still following up and evaluating the allegations so as to know what exactly happened and that any relevant information would be made public after completion of the investigations. Despite the swelling wave of the allegations and persistent efforts by the media to have him respond to them, the former president has remained unshakably tight-lipped.
SOURCE: Guardian
Wednesday, April 30, 2008
Friday, April 25, 2008
TANZANIA: LANDMARK DECISION
The Citizen (Dar es Salaam)
25 April 2008
Posted to the web 25 April 2008
The Citizen TeamDar es Salaam
MPs turned the heat on the Government in Parliament yesterday, resolving that TICTS contract extension be scrapped and the railway concession deal reviewed as part of wide-ranging measures to curb the looting of public resources.
A highly charged House condemned current and past high-level corruption, during debate on four private motions.
It was another historic day as Speaker Samuel Sitta allowed the members to dissect the deals sealed during the Benjamin Mkapa administration and the current government, and which have cost the country billions of shillings.
Kwela MP Chrissant Mzindakaya set the ball rolling by moving his private member's motion, detailing how the lucrative foreign-dominated hunting sector was not benefiting Tanzanians. He said that from professional and tourist hunting alone, the Government losses about Sh76.8 billion ($60 million) in low fees paid by the operators and corruption by wildlife officials.
In scenes reminiscent of the February session during which a report tabled by the Parliamentary Select Committee on the Richmond Company scandal led to the resignation of Mr Edward Lowassa as Prime Minister alongside Cabinet minister Nizar Karamagi and Ibrahim Msabaha, the MPs looked determined to get to the bottom of the mega scandals.
They fiercely debated the private members' motions on the hunting industry, and Tanzania Railways Limited (TRL) in the morning session, and concluded in the evening with the Tanzania International Containers Terminal (TICTS) and the controversial sale of government houses. The MPs said the public servants who were allocated the houses but have not completed paying for them should clear the balances or have them repossessed. Some 7,921 houses were sold in 2002 for Sh59.1 billion, but only 29.1 billion has been paid while more than half (Sh30.4 billion) has not been paid. Moving the motion on the sale of the houses, CCM lawmaker Aloyce Kimario said it was a pity that the decision had been made without first building others.
"It was as if the third phase government thought it was going to be the last government in this country. Those houses were a national resource and the property of all Tanzanians not just the few civil servants," he said. Apparently alarmed by the mega scandals-Richmond, EPA, Twin Towers, Meremeta Gold, which together have cost the taxpayers' about Sh1.25 trillion ($1billion), the angry MPs told all the corrupt leaders and other looters to repent. They also urged the Government to immediately suspend the controversial TICTS contract, which gave the latter an extension to 2015 instead of the original expiry period scheduled in 2010.
Parliament was stunned to hear that the Indian firm, RITES, which was awarded a tender to manage Tanzania Railways Corporation, borrowed $77 million to finance the project but only 10per cent of the money had been invested in the project. In the evening sitting, the MPs debated TICTS, which was dubiously given an extension to run the container section at Dar es Salaam Port, contrary to the National Procurement Act of 2004. But drama unfolded in the House, when one of the TICTS shareholders, former minister Karamagi rose to defend the company, arguing that the extension was approved by the Cabinet in June 2005.
Mr Karamagi, who resigned this year after being implicated in Richmond scandal, was told by Speaker Sitta to declare his interest first, as required by the House's standing orders. "I am the chairman of TICTS and also the owner of one of the companies that partnered with an international firm to run this business," Mr Karamagi told the attentive House in responding to Speaker's order.
And Speaker Sitta responded: "You may now continue, Honourable Karamagi." Mr Karamagi said his company won the tender, denying any wrongdoing, but his efforts came to nought as the majority of MPs from his own party, CCM, said the deal was illegal and should be nullified. Ms Anna Abdullah of CCM demanded to know whether Mr Karamagi had any evidence to prove before Parliament that the Cabinet approved "the dubious extension".
Following the situation, Mr Karamagi was ordered to present his evidence today before 12pm, whereby failure to that he would taken to task for issuing false statements' in the parliament.
25 April 2008
Posted to the web 25 April 2008
The Citizen TeamDar es Salaam
MPs turned the heat on the Government in Parliament yesterday, resolving that TICTS contract extension be scrapped and the railway concession deal reviewed as part of wide-ranging measures to curb the looting of public resources.
A highly charged House condemned current and past high-level corruption, during debate on four private motions.
It was another historic day as Speaker Samuel Sitta allowed the members to dissect the deals sealed during the Benjamin Mkapa administration and the current government, and which have cost the country billions of shillings.
Kwela MP Chrissant Mzindakaya set the ball rolling by moving his private member's motion, detailing how the lucrative foreign-dominated hunting sector was not benefiting Tanzanians. He said that from professional and tourist hunting alone, the Government losses about Sh76.8 billion ($60 million) in low fees paid by the operators and corruption by wildlife officials.
In scenes reminiscent of the February session during which a report tabled by the Parliamentary Select Committee on the Richmond Company scandal led to the resignation of Mr Edward Lowassa as Prime Minister alongside Cabinet minister Nizar Karamagi and Ibrahim Msabaha, the MPs looked determined to get to the bottom of the mega scandals.
They fiercely debated the private members' motions on the hunting industry, and Tanzania Railways Limited (TRL) in the morning session, and concluded in the evening with the Tanzania International Containers Terminal (TICTS) and the controversial sale of government houses. The MPs said the public servants who were allocated the houses but have not completed paying for them should clear the balances or have them repossessed. Some 7,921 houses were sold in 2002 for Sh59.1 billion, but only 29.1 billion has been paid while more than half (Sh30.4 billion) has not been paid. Moving the motion on the sale of the houses, CCM lawmaker Aloyce Kimario said it was a pity that the decision had been made without first building others.
"It was as if the third phase government thought it was going to be the last government in this country. Those houses were a national resource and the property of all Tanzanians not just the few civil servants," he said. Apparently alarmed by the mega scandals-Richmond, EPA, Twin Towers, Meremeta Gold, which together have cost the taxpayers' about Sh1.25 trillion ($1billion), the angry MPs told all the corrupt leaders and other looters to repent. They also urged the Government to immediately suspend the controversial TICTS contract, which gave the latter an extension to 2015 instead of the original expiry period scheduled in 2010.
Parliament was stunned to hear that the Indian firm, RITES, which was awarded a tender to manage Tanzania Railways Corporation, borrowed $77 million to finance the project but only 10per cent of the money had been invested in the project. In the evening sitting, the MPs debated TICTS, which was dubiously given an extension to run the container section at Dar es Salaam Port, contrary to the National Procurement Act of 2004. But drama unfolded in the House, when one of the TICTS shareholders, former minister Karamagi rose to defend the company, arguing that the extension was approved by the Cabinet in June 2005.
Mr Karamagi, who resigned this year after being implicated in Richmond scandal, was told by Speaker Sitta to declare his interest first, as required by the House's standing orders. "I am the chairman of TICTS and also the owner of one of the companies that partnered with an international firm to run this business," Mr Karamagi told the attentive House in responding to Speaker's order.
And Speaker Sitta responded: "You may now continue, Honourable Karamagi." Mr Karamagi said his company won the tender, denying any wrongdoing, but his efforts came to nought as the majority of MPs from his own party, CCM, said the deal was illegal and should be nullified. Ms Anna Abdullah of CCM demanded to know whether Mr Karamagi had any evidence to prove before Parliament that the Cabinet approved "the dubious extension".
Following the situation, Mr Karamagi was ordered to present his evidence today before 12pm, whereby failure to that he would taken to task for issuing false statements' in the parliament.
Wednesday, April 23, 2008
TANZANIA:MKAPA UNDER FIRE IN BUNGE
The Citizen (Dar es Salaam)
23 April 2008Posted to the web 23 April 2008
Damas Kanyabwoya
Dodoma Graft allegations against former President Benjamin Mkapa yesterday surfaced in Parliament for the first time, with some legislators from the ruling party accusing him of sabotaging Tanzania Electric Supply Company (Tanesco).
MPs, who were debating the 2007 Electricity Bill, said the current high operational costs resulting mainly from capacity charges was contributed by the dubious contract entered between Tanesco and Tan Power Resources Co. Ltd.
Tan Power Resources is linked with former head of state and Mr Daniel Yona, who was the minister for Energy and Minerals during the Third Phase government.
Debating the Bill, Mr Aloyce Kimario (Vunjo-CCM), alleged that Mr Mkapa sabotaged Tanesco.
Mr Kimario said the heavy burden of capacity charges on Tanesco is partly due to the Sh146 million daily that the power company pays Tan Power Resources.
He said in 2005, Mr Mkapa and Mr Yona bought the Sh4 billion Kiwira coal mine through their Tan Power Resources Company at Sh700 million, but they eventually paid only Sh70 million.
The MP said they bought Kiwira under dubious circumstances and without floating a tender.
In 2006 the company entered into another dubious contract of supplying power to Tanesco, while receiving a Sh146 million in capacity charges per day.
The MP mentioned other independent power producing (IPP) companies as Independent Power Tanzania Limited (IPTL) that receives Sh114 million daily as capacity charge. Others are Songas "We need to say now that enough is enough! We cannot continue like this. And all those implicated in causing losses to this country must be dealt with according to the law," he said.
He urged Energy and Minerals minister William Ngeleja to ensure all those people owning the companies that milk government coffers in capacity charges daily are not allowed to invest in the electricity sector after doors are opened as per the new Electricity Act.
"All big hydroelectricity projects such as Stigler's Gorge, Ruhiji and Rumakali should be given to Tanesco. Private investors should be allowed to produce power by using their own sources," the MP intoned.
Mr Siraju Kaboyonga (Tabora Urban-CCM) also blamed the former president for his involvement in companies that have been milking Tanesco heavily, "leaving the state owned company basically on its knees."
The MP advised the government to divide Tanesco into three different companies so as to increase the sector's efficiency.
One company should be for generation, another for transmission and another for distribution.
"And after Tanesco is divided the new power generating company to be formed should sell shares to the public as it was done in Kenya 's KenGen," he said.
By no means, declared the MP, should the transmission infrastructure of electricity be left in private hands because 'they are the core of electricity power.'
Instead, he urged the government to improve the current transmission infrastructure because it has low capacity, blamed for losses of about 10 per cent of the power Tanesco transmits.
MPs also raised security concerns with regard to proposed reforms in the power sector.
Mrs Anne Kilango-Malecela (Same East-CCM) said private investors should not be allowed to have a monopoly in the electricity sector because it will be easier to sabotage the country.
She wants new investments made to Tanesco to make it competent and withstand competition.
Mr Mkapa's name has surfaced in various scandals committed during his third phase regime, with some MPs and opposition camp urging for the removal of his immunity to allow investigations against him.
However Mr Mkapa has so far declined to comment on various allegations leveled against him, maintaining that he has retired from politics and was not ready to say anything.
President Jakaya Kikwete is also on record suggesting he wasn't ready to lift immunity on retired presidents.
Mr Kikwete told editors last year at the State House that he would rather let former presidents retire in peace than subject any of them to investigations.
Relevant Links
Despite the credible achievements reached during his regime including improvement of tax collections, attraction of foreign direct investments and reduction of the country's external debt, it has now emerged that the third phase regime was marred by huge corruption scandals.
Notable controversial deals include the purchase of a civilian and military radar system from BAe Systems and a presidential jet.
Others include the Meremeta gold company contract, the External Payments Arrears account mismanagement and inflated costs of the construction of the Bank of Tanzania twin towers, the privatisation of parastatal firms, among others.
23 April 2008Posted to the web 23 April 2008
Damas Kanyabwoya
Dodoma Graft allegations against former President Benjamin Mkapa yesterday surfaced in Parliament for the first time, with some legislators from the ruling party accusing him of sabotaging Tanzania Electric Supply Company (Tanesco).
MPs, who were debating the 2007 Electricity Bill, said the current high operational costs resulting mainly from capacity charges was contributed by the dubious contract entered between Tanesco and Tan Power Resources Co. Ltd.
Tan Power Resources is linked with former head of state and Mr Daniel Yona, who was the minister for Energy and Minerals during the Third Phase government.
Debating the Bill, Mr Aloyce Kimario (Vunjo-CCM), alleged that Mr Mkapa sabotaged Tanesco.
Mr Kimario said the heavy burden of capacity charges on Tanesco is partly due to the Sh146 million daily that the power company pays Tan Power Resources.
He said in 2005, Mr Mkapa and Mr Yona bought the Sh4 billion Kiwira coal mine through their Tan Power Resources Company at Sh700 million, but they eventually paid only Sh70 million.
The MP said they bought Kiwira under dubious circumstances and without floating a tender.
In 2006 the company entered into another dubious contract of supplying power to Tanesco, while receiving a Sh146 million in capacity charges per day.
The MP mentioned other independent power producing (IPP) companies as Independent Power Tanzania Limited (IPTL) that receives Sh114 million daily as capacity charge. Others are Songas "We need to say now that enough is enough! We cannot continue like this. And all those implicated in causing losses to this country must be dealt with according to the law," he said.
He urged Energy and Minerals minister William Ngeleja to ensure all those people owning the companies that milk government coffers in capacity charges daily are not allowed to invest in the electricity sector after doors are opened as per the new Electricity Act.
"All big hydroelectricity projects such as Stigler's Gorge, Ruhiji and Rumakali should be given to Tanesco. Private investors should be allowed to produce power by using their own sources," the MP intoned.
Mr Siraju Kaboyonga (Tabora Urban-CCM) also blamed the former president for his involvement in companies that have been milking Tanesco heavily, "leaving the state owned company basically on its knees."
The MP advised the government to divide Tanesco into three different companies so as to increase the sector's efficiency.
One company should be for generation, another for transmission and another for distribution.
"And after Tanesco is divided the new power generating company to be formed should sell shares to the public as it was done in Kenya 's KenGen," he said.
By no means, declared the MP, should the transmission infrastructure of electricity be left in private hands because 'they are the core of electricity power.'
Instead, he urged the government to improve the current transmission infrastructure because it has low capacity, blamed for losses of about 10 per cent of the power Tanesco transmits.
MPs also raised security concerns with regard to proposed reforms in the power sector.
Mrs Anne Kilango-Malecela (Same East-CCM) said private investors should not be allowed to have a monopoly in the electricity sector because it will be easier to sabotage the country.
She wants new investments made to Tanesco to make it competent and withstand competition.
Mr Mkapa's name has surfaced in various scandals committed during his third phase regime, with some MPs and opposition camp urging for the removal of his immunity to allow investigations against him.
However Mr Mkapa has so far declined to comment on various allegations leveled against him, maintaining that he has retired from politics and was not ready to say anything.
President Jakaya Kikwete is also on record suggesting he wasn't ready to lift immunity on retired presidents.
Mr Kikwete told editors last year at the State House that he would rather let former presidents retire in peace than subject any of them to investigations.
Relevant Links
Despite the credible achievements reached during his regime including improvement of tax collections, attraction of foreign direct investments and reduction of the country's external debt, it has now emerged that the third phase regime was marred by huge corruption scandals.
Notable controversial deals include the purchase of a civilian and military radar system from BAe Systems and a presidential jet.
Others include the Meremeta gold company contract, the External Payments Arrears account mismanagement and inflated costs of the construction of the Bank of Tanzania twin towers, the privatisation of parastatal firms, among others.
Monday, April 21, 2008
TANZANIA MINISTER QUITS AFTER BAE CONTRACT CLAIMS
By Russell Hotter
A senior minister in Tanzania's government has resigned after being allegedly linked to a controversial BAE Systems defence contract that is being investigated by Britain's Serious Fraud Office.
Andrew Chenge is understood to have stood down as the infrastructure minister on Sunday evening, following claims about him having a large sum of money in a bank account in Jersey.
The SFO is probing a 2002 contract under which BAE supplied Tanzania with a military radar system, a deal that was strongly criticised by aid agencies and politicians, including the then UK International Development Secretary Clare Short.
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Yesterday, lawyers for Mr Chenge said that he denied wrongdoing or having any involvement in deciding who got the contract. However, the Tanzanian media has reported extensively suggestions that the money could have been connected to the deal.
Last night it was still unclear why Mr Chenge, who was Tanzania's attorney general in 2002, had resigned.
The country's laws require ministers to disclose their wealth.
Mr Chenge's US-based lawyer, J Lewis Madorsky, said that his client did not deny having the offshore bank account, but added: "I've not had chance to speak to him [Mr Chenge] directly. But I know that he is shocked by the claims, but optimistic about the future. He had nothing to do with this contract."
Despite the SFO abandoning its high-profile investigation into BAE's Al Yamamah arms deal with Saudi Arabia, the fraud office has continued to probe several other overseas deals.
Poverty-stricken Tanzania bought a £28m military air traffic control system from BAE, when many experts said a far cheaper civil system would have done. At the time, Ms Short said the deal "stank".
BAE said it was "fully co-operating" with the SFO inquiry but would not comment further.
The SFO declined to comment.
A senior minister in Tanzania's government has resigned after being allegedly linked to a controversial BAE Systems defence contract that is being investigated by Britain's Serious Fraud Office.
Andrew Chenge is understood to have stood down as the infrastructure minister on Sunday evening, following claims about him having a large sum of money in a bank account in Jersey.
The SFO is probing a 2002 contract under which BAE supplied Tanzania with a military radar system, a deal that was strongly criticised by aid agencies and politicians, including the then UK International Development Secretary Clare Short.
advertisement
Yesterday, lawyers for Mr Chenge said that he denied wrongdoing or having any involvement in deciding who got the contract. However, the Tanzanian media has reported extensively suggestions that the money could have been connected to the deal.
Last night it was still unclear why Mr Chenge, who was Tanzania's attorney general in 2002, had resigned.
The country's laws require ministers to disclose their wealth.
Mr Chenge's US-based lawyer, J Lewis Madorsky, said that his client did not deny having the offshore bank account, but added: "I've not had chance to speak to him [Mr Chenge] directly. But I know that he is shocked by the claims, but optimistic about the future. He had nothing to do with this contract."
Despite the SFO abandoning its high-profile investigation into BAE's Al Yamamah arms deal with Saudi Arabia, the fraud office has continued to probe several other overseas deals.
Poverty-stricken Tanzania bought a £28m military air traffic control system from BAE, when many experts said a far cheaper civil system would have done. At the time, Ms Short said the deal "stank".
BAE said it was "fully co-operating" with the SFO inquiry but would not comment further.
The SFO declined to comment.
TANZANIA:DAR PURSUE CCM OFFICIAL,MP's ON LIST OF $ 180 MILLION CIS FUND DEFAULTERS
The East African (Nairobi)
21 April 2008Posted to the web 21 April 2008
Mike MandeNairobi
Borrowers from the Tanzania Commodity Import Support (CIS) fund are in trouble as the government is engaging a collection agency to recover the debts owed by individuals and firms that have defaulted.
The move comes as the names of prominent figures in the ruling party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), former ministers and Members of Parliament are emerging among individuals and firms that have defaulted on payments to the $180 million CIS fund.
The names, which are to be made public in two months' time, interestingly also include individuals and firms that have also been mentioned in the External Payment Arrears account (EPA) scandal at the Bank of Tanzania.
A director of one of the 980 firms that have defaulted on repaying funds loaned to them from 1980 to 1992/1993, said their names would be published in the print media in the next two months.
Investigations by The EastAfrican have revealed that the businessman, who is on the 10-member board of trustees of CCM, obtained a loan of $500,000 from the Fund through his firm.
It was established that some borrowers have started to sell off properties including family houses to service the loans before the three-month deadline for returning the money to the government.
The investigation further showed that most of the Tanzanian firms and businesses who obtained the money from the CIS coffers did not have the 30 per cent cash collateral required to be paid before securing the loan.
Some local firms and businessmen that did not have the 30 per cent cash instead sought the assistance of Tanzanian businessmen of Asian origin, who paid the money and later obtained 50 per cent of the loan as their cut. The borrower ended up securing 50 per cent of the loan, while paying nothing as collateral.
A former Minister of Transport and Communication in the second and third phase government, Ernest Nyanda, who is now deceased, was said to have obtained more than $150,000, which he used to buy the ill-fated passenger vessel mv Zahara through his firm, Victoria Marine Passenger Transport Services Ltd. The firm has since been liquidated.
The ship, which was built in 1965 in Greece as a military cargo ship before it was brought to Tanzania in 1999 as a passenger ship plying the Dar-Mtwara route, and was until recently still lying at Dar es Salaam port, had a capacity of 300 passengers and 285 tonnes of cargo with a gross tonnage of 1,369.4 and is now at the centre of a legal battle between the concerned parties.
Other firms mentioned among the CIS defaulters are the Noble Azania group of companies in Tanzania owned by JayantKumar Patel, alias Jeetu Patel, who is also mentioned in the EPA account scandal. He is said to have obtained $145 million from CIS through various deals with Tanzanian businessmen who wanted the collateral of 30 per cent deposit.
The other firms that allegedly benefited from CIS and EPA funds include Njake Hotel and Tours, which also owns petrol stations and truck transportation in the northern region. Others are Tanil Somaiya and his close associate Vimal Mehta through their firms Merlin International and Vithcorp Foods Packers.
Ketan Somaiya, based in Kenya, who managed through CIS to establish the defunct Delphis Bank, is also mentioned.
Ramadhani Kijjah, Deputy Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs, told The EastAfrican last week in Dar es Salaam that the government intends to engage debt collectors during the financial year 2007/2008 to collect all outstanding debts owing to the CIS under the Japanese Non-Project Grant and Debt Relief Grant intended for various beneficiaries countrywide.
The deputy PS said that there were about 916 debtors countrywide with an outstanding debt of about 16.6 billion Japanese Yen ($162 million) who have not paid back their loans, including accrued interest.
The government has already issued an ultimatum to 916 firms that have failed to return money amounting to $180 million to do so or face legal action.
The 916 firms were given three months to return the funds they took as loans from the Tanzania Investment Bank and other local banks through the central bank.
The government move comes in the wake of the Bank of Tanzania scandal in which more than 133 million was improperly paid to 22 local firms through the External Payment Arrears (EPA) account during the period 2005/2006.
21 April 2008Posted to the web 21 April 2008
Mike MandeNairobi
Borrowers from the Tanzania Commodity Import Support (CIS) fund are in trouble as the government is engaging a collection agency to recover the debts owed by individuals and firms that have defaulted.
The move comes as the names of prominent figures in the ruling party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), former ministers and Members of Parliament are emerging among individuals and firms that have defaulted on payments to the $180 million CIS fund.
The names, which are to be made public in two months' time, interestingly also include individuals and firms that have also been mentioned in the External Payment Arrears account (EPA) scandal at the Bank of Tanzania.
A director of one of the 980 firms that have defaulted on repaying funds loaned to them from 1980 to 1992/1993, said their names would be published in the print media in the next two months.
Investigations by The EastAfrican have revealed that the businessman, who is on the 10-member board of trustees of CCM, obtained a loan of $500,000 from the Fund through his firm.
It was established that some borrowers have started to sell off properties including family houses to service the loans before the three-month deadline for returning the money to the government.
The investigation further showed that most of the Tanzanian firms and businesses who obtained the money from the CIS coffers did not have the 30 per cent cash collateral required to be paid before securing the loan.
Some local firms and businessmen that did not have the 30 per cent cash instead sought the assistance of Tanzanian businessmen of Asian origin, who paid the money and later obtained 50 per cent of the loan as their cut. The borrower ended up securing 50 per cent of the loan, while paying nothing as collateral.
A former Minister of Transport and Communication in the second and third phase government, Ernest Nyanda, who is now deceased, was said to have obtained more than $150,000, which he used to buy the ill-fated passenger vessel mv Zahara through his firm, Victoria Marine Passenger Transport Services Ltd. The firm has since been liquidated.
The ship, which was built in 1965 in Greece as a military cargo ship before it was brought to Tanzania in 1999 as a passenger ship plying the Dar-Mtwara route, and was until recently still lying at Dar es Salaam port, had a capacity of 300 passengers and 285 tonnes of cargo with a gross tonnage of 1,369.4 and is now at the centre of a legal battle between the concerned parties.
Other firms mentioned among the CIS defaulters are the Noble Azania group of companies in Tanzania owned by JayantKumar Patel, alias Jeetu Patel, who is also mentioned in the EPA account scandal. He is said to have obtained $145 million from CIS through various deals with Tanzanian businessmen who wanted the collateral of 30 per cent deposit.
The other firms that allegedly benefited from CIS and EPA funds include Njake Hotel and Tours, which also owns petrol stations and truck transportation in the northern region. Others are Tanil Somaiya and his close associate Vimal Mehta through their firms Merlin International and Vithcorp Foods Packers.
Ketan Somaiya, based in Kenya, who managed through CIS to establish the defunct Delphis Bank, is also mentioned.
Ramadhani Kijjah, Deputy Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs, told The EastAfrican last week in Dar es Salaam that the government intends to engage debt collectors during the financial year 2007/2008 to collect all outstanding debts owing to the CIS under the Japanese Non-Project Grant and Debt Relief Grant intended for various beneficiaries countrywide.
The deputy PS said that there were about 916 debtors countrywide with an outstanding debt of about 16.6 billion Japanese Yen ($162 million) who have not paid back their loans, including accrued interest.
The government has already issued an ultimatum to 916 firms that have failed to return money amounting to $180 million to do so or face legal action.
The 916 firms were given three months to return the funds they took as loans from the Tanzania Investment Bank and other local banks through the central bank.
The government move comes in the wake of the Bank of Tanzania scandal in which more than 133 million was improperly paid to 22 local firms through the External Payment Arrears (EPA) account during the period 2005/2006.
Tuesday, April 15, 2008
China still a small player in Africa
By Special Correspondent Firoze Manji
While keeping an eye out on China, Africans should not be distracted from paying attention to the West`s continued exploitation of the continent including the use of military might to protect its economic interests. ``What I find a bit reprehensible is the tendency of certain Western voices to ? raising concerns about China`s attempt to get into the African market because it is a bit hypocritical for Western states to be concerned about how China is approaching Africa when they have had centuries of relations with Africa, starting with slavery and continuing to the present day with exploitation and cheating.`` Open any newspaper and you would get the impression that the African continent, and much of the rest of the world, is in the process of being `devoured` by China. Phrases such as the `new scramble for Africa\', `voracious`, `ravenous`or `insatiable` `appetite for natural resources` are typical descriptors used to characterise China`s engagement with Africa. In contrast, the operations of western capital for the same activities are described with anodyne phrases such as `development`, `investment`, `employment generation`(Mawdsely, 2008). Is China indeed the voracious tiger it is so often portrayed as? China`s involvement in Africa has three main dimensions: foreign direct investment, aid and trade. In each of these dimensions China`s engagement is dwarfed by those of US and European countries, and often smaller than those of other Asian economies. Foreign direct investment (FDI) of Asian economies globally has been growing. The total flow of foreign direct investment (FDI) from Asia to Africa is estimated to have been an annual average of $1.2 billion during 2002-2004 (UNCTAD, 2006). Chinese FDI in Africa has in fact been small in comparison to investment from Singapore, India and Malaysia, which are the principal Asian sources of FDI in Africa according to UNDP (2007) with investment stocks of $3.5 billion and $1.9 billion each by 2004, respectively. Such investments are greater than those of China. The same report goes on to say, however, that Asian investments in Africa are dwarfed by those of the United Kingdom (with a total FDI stock of $30 billion in 2003), the United States ($19 billion in 2003), France ($11.5 billion in 2003) and Germany ($5.5 billion in 2003). And if China sits in fourth place amongst the Asian `tigers`, the scale of its investments in Africa are miniscule in comparison to the more traditional imperial powers. Asian FDI flows to Africa have certainly grown 10-fold since the 1980s, but smaller than the 14-fold growth in FDIs globally in the same period. Compared with India, for example, China`s FDI is small. India has a larger investment in oil in Sudan and Nigeria than does China. Of 126 greenfield FDI projects in Africa, Indian companies accounted for the largest number. Indeed, amongst the Asian economies, Malaysian companies dominate in mineral extraction sector in Africa. Africa`s share of total outward flow of Chinese FDI is marginal - only 3 per cent goes to Africa, while Asia receives 53 per cent, Latin America 37 per cent. It should be borne in mind that China is a net recipient of FDI, and receives a flow of FDI also from Africa: SAB Miller breweries and SASOL from South Africa, Chandaria Holdings in Kenya, amongst many others. Africa is certainly important trade partner for China, the volume increasing from $11 billion in 2000 to some $40 billion in 2005. China has a growing trade surplus with Africa. According to UNDP (2007), China has become the third largest trading partner of Africa, following the United States and France. China has focused primarily on the import of a limited number of products - oil and `hard commodities` for a few selected African countries. China`s trade with Africa represents only a small proportion of Africa`s trade with the rest of the world, and is comparable to India`s trade with Africa, although both have been growing rapidly. China imports from Africa five main commodities - oil, iron ore, cotton, diamonds and logs. The export of these commodities, and in particular oil, has grown significantly in the last ten years. A few African countries (Sudan, Ghana, Tanzania, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Uganda and Kenya) source a significant share of their imports of manufactured products, mainly clothing and textiles, from China. (Kaplisky, McCormick and Morris, 2007). China has been vigorously castigated for its support of repressive regimes. In almost all cases, China`s involvement has been in support of its need for strategic natural resources, especially oil. And it is perhaps here that one finds the reason for the fears expressed in the west about China`s role in Africa. USA is the world`s largest consumer of oil products , with 25% of its requirements destined to come from Africa. While China sources some 40% of its oil from the Middle East, it currently sources 23% from africa 23%. Much attention has been drawn to the negative impact of the cheap Chinese commodities on African economies. Certainly this has contributed to the decline of industrial production and the growing retrenchment of workers. But China has essentially taken advantage of the `opening-up` of Africa`s market that has resulted from the adoption of neoliberal economic policies that the international financial institutions, backed by the majority of the international aid agencies, have forced Africa`s governments to comply with. Given that the relative size of Chinese imports is small in comparison to imports from industrialised countries, the blame for the decline in industrial production and growing unemployment in Africa can hardly be place entirely at China`s door. Furthermore, it is important to recognise that some 58% of exports from China are manufactured by foreign owned companies. The retrenchments and closures of local industries occurring as a result of cheap goods imported from China need to be placed at the door of the multinationals concerned as much as on the Chinese government and Chinese companies. Just like other western powers, China has used aid strategically to support its commercial and investment interventions in Africa. Aid has taken the form of financial investments in key infrastructural development projects, training programmes, debt relief, technical assistance and a programme of tariff exemptions for selected products from Africa, not dissimilar to the agreements that Africa has had with Europe, US and other western economies. China`s aid is attractive to African governments not only because of the favourable terms offered, but in particular because of the lack of conditionality that is offered that has so constrained, and many would argue, undermined develop that would have the potential for bringing about social progress. The most serious worry for the US was expressed by the spokespersons of the IMF and World Bank who complained that China\'s unrestricted lending had `undermined years of painstaking efforts to arrange conditional debt relief`. There is clearly concern that China can now offer favourable loans to Africa and weaken imperial leverage over African economies. (Campbell, 2007). ``The US and World Bank claim to be fighting poverty in Africa,`` he continues, ``but after two decades of structural adjustment the conditions of the African poor have worsened, with indices of exploitation and deprivation increasing by geometric proportions. According to one estimate, at the present pace of investment in Africa from the West, it will require more than one hundred years to realise the Millennium Development Goals. Chinese investment potentially provides an alternative for African leaders and entrepreneurs, while providing long term potential for the development of African economies.`` ``China`s official development discourse is explicitly non-prescriptive, employing a language of `no strings attached`, quality and mutual benefit. It emphasises the collective right to development over the rights-based approaches focused on individual rights. Once the dust settles on the current China-in-Africa fever, and notions of China`s exceptionalism wear off, all involved will need to harness hopes to realistic vehicles in order to make the most of the current potential.`` (Large, 2007). Rocha (2007) suggests that Chinese investments in Africa are having and could continue to have some positive impacts. China is helping African countries to rebuild their infrastructure and providing other types of assistance to agriculture, water, health, education and other sectors. This could have very positive spin-offs in lowering transaction costs and assisting African governments to address social calamities such as poor health services, energy crisis, skills development. However, it is true that `Chinese companies are quickly generating the same kinds of environmental damage and community opposition that Western companies have spawned around the world` (Chan Fishel 2007). The evidence available suggests that the drive to increasing the rate of profit is exhibited as much by Chinese as by western capital. The west has the advantage in having already established its dominant position that is potentially being threatened by the `new boy on the block`. But China has the advantage of never having enslaved or colonized the continent. China has also not made any false promises coated with neo-liberalism. While the West, the IMF and the World Bank put conditions that only aid in their fleecing of Africa, China has so far been willing to provide unconditional aid and invest in infrastructure. At the same time, however, it freely takes full advantage of the opening up of markets that neo-liberal economic policies over the last 25 years have offered, unencumbered. And so far, unlike the US, China has not sought to establish military bases in Africa to protect its economic interests, which the US has sought to establish through AFRICOM Firoze Manji is director of Fahamu and editor of Pambazuka News.
SOURCE: Guardian
While keeping an eye out on China, Africans should not be distracted from paying attention to the West`s continued exploitation of the continent including the use of military might to protect its economic interests. ``What I find a bit reprehensible is the tendency of certain Western voices to ? raising concerns about China`s attempt to get into the African market because it is a bit hypocritical for Western states to be concerned about how China is approaching Africa when they have had centuries of relations with Africa, starting with slavery and continuing to the present day with exploitation and cheating.`` Open any newspaper and you would get the impression that the African continent, and much of the rest of the world, is in the process of being `devoured` by China. Phrases such as the `new scramble for Africa\', `voracious`, `ravenous`or `insatiable` `appetite for natural resources` are typical descriptors used to characterise China`s engagement with Africa. In contrast, the operations of western capital for the same activities are described with anodyne phrases such as `development`, `investment`, `employment generation`(Mawdsely, 2008). Is China indeed the voracious tiger it is so often portrayed as? China`s involvement in Africa has three main dimensions: foreign direct investment, aid and trade. In each of these dimensions China`s engagement is dwarfed by those of US and European countries, and often smaller than those of other Asian economies. Foreign direct investment (FDI) of Asian economies globally has been growing. The total flow of foreign direct investment (FDI) from Asia to Africa is estimated to have been an annual average of $1.2 billion during 2002-2004 (UNCTAD, 2006). Chinese FDI in Africa has in fact been small in comparison to investment from Singapore, India and Malaysia, which are the principal Asian sources of FDI in Africa according to UNDP (2007) with investment stocks of $3.5 billion and $1.9 billion each by 2004, respectively. Such investments are greater than those of China. The same report goes on to say, however, that Asian investments in Africa are dwarfed by those of the United Kingdom (with a total FDI stock of $30 billion in 2003), the United States ($19 billion in 2003), France ($11.5 billion in 2003) and Germany ($5.5 billion in 2003). And if China sits in fourth place amongst the Asian `tigers`, the scale of its investments in Africa are miniscule in comparison to the more traditional imperial powers. Asian FDI flows to Africa have certainly grown 10-fold since the 1980s, but smaller than the 14-fold growth in FDIs globally in the same period. Compared with India, for example, China`s FDI is small. India has a larger investment in oil in Sudan and Nigeria than does China. Of 126 greenfield FDI projects in Africa, Indian companies accounted for the largest number. Indeed, amongst the Asian economies, Malaysian companies dominate in mineral extraction sector in Africa. Africa`s share of total outward flow of Chinese FDI is marginal - only 3 per cent goes to Africa, while Asia receives 53 per cent, Latin America 37 per cent. It should be borne in mind that China is a net recipient of FDI, and receives a flow of FDI also from Africa: SAB Miller breweries and SASOL from South Africa, Chandaria Holdings in Kenya, amongst many others. Africa is certainly important trade partner for China, the volume increasing from $11 billion in 2000 to some $40 billion in 2005. China has a growing trade surplus with Africa. According to UNDP (2007), China has become the third largest trading partner of Africa, following the United States and France. China has focused primarily on the import of a limited number of products - oil and `hard commodities` for a few selected African countries. China`s trade with Africa represents only a small proportion of Africa`s trade with the rest of the world, and is comparable to India`s trade with Africa, although both have been growing rapidly. China imports from Africa five main commodities - oil, iron ore, cotton, diamonds and logs. The export of these commodities, and in particular oil, has grown significantly in the last ten years. A few African countries (Sudan, Ghana, Tanzania, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Uganda and Kenya) source a significant share of their imports of manufactured products, mainly clothing and textiles, from China. (Kaplisky, McCormick and Morris, 2007). China has been vigorously castigated for its support of repressive regimes. In almost all cases, China`s involvement has been in support of its need for strategic natural resources, especially oil. And it is perhaps here that one finds the reason for the fears expressed in the west about China`s role in Africa. USA is the world`s largest consumer of oil products , with 25% of its requirements destined to come from Africa. While China sources some 40% of its oil from the Middle East, it currently sources 23% from africa 23%. Much attention has been drawn to the negative impact of the cheap Chinese commodities on African economies. Certainly this has contributed to the decline of industrial production and the growing retrenchment of workers. But China has essentially taken advantage of the `opening-up` of Africa`s market that has resulted from the adoption of neoliberal economic policies that the international financial institutions, backed by the majority of the international aid agencies, have forced Africa`s governments to comply with. Given that the relative size of Chinese imports is small in comparison to imports from industrialised countries, the blame for the decline in industrial production and growing unemployment in Africa can hardly be place entirely at China`s door. Furthermore, it is important to recognise that some 58% of exports from China are manufactured by foreign owned companies. The retrenchments and closures of local industries occurring as a result of cheap goods imported from China need to be placed at the door of the multinationals concerned as much as on the Chinese government and Chinese companies. Just like other western powers, China has used aid strategically to support its commercial and investment interventions in Africa. Aid has taken the form of financial investments in key infrastructural development projects, training programmes, debt relief, technical assistance and a programme of tariff exemptions for selected products from Africa, not dissimilar to the agreements that Africa has had with Europe, US and other western economies. China`s aid is attractive to African governments not only because of the favourable terms offered, but in particular because of the lack of conditionality that is offered that has so constrained, and many would argue, undermined develop that would have the potential for bringing about social progress. The most serious worry for the US was expressed by the spokespersons of the IMF and World Bank who complained that China\'s unrestricted lending had `undermined years of painstaking efforts to arrange conditional debt relief`. There is clearly concern that China can now offer favourable loans to Africa and weaken imperial leverage over African economies. (Campbell, 2007). ``The US and World Bank claim to be fighting poverty in Africa,`` he continues, ``but after two decades of structural adjustment the conditions of the African poor have worsened, with indices of exploitation and deprivation increasing by geometric proportions. According to one estimate, at the present pace of investment in Africa from the West, it will require more than one hundred years to realise the Millennium Development Goals. Chinese investment potentially provides an alternative for African leaders and entrepreneurs, while providing long term potential for the development of African economies.`` ``China`s official development discourse is explicitly non-prescriptive, employing a language of `no strings attached`, quality and mutual benefit. It emphasises the collective right to development over the rights-based approaches focused on individual rights. Once the dust settles on the current China-in-Africa fever, and notions of China`s exceptionalism wear off, all involved will need to harness hopes to realistic vehicles in order to make the most of the current potential.`` (Large, 2007). Rocha (2007) suggests that Chinese investments in Africa are having and could continue to have some positive impacts. China is helping African countries to rebuild their infrastructure and providing other types of assistance to agriculture, water, health, education and other sectors. This could have very positive spin-offs in lowering transaction costs and assisting African governments to address social calamities such as poor health services, energy crisis, skills development. However, it is true that `Chinese companies are quickly generating the same kinds of environmental damage and community opposition that Western companies have spawned around the world` (Chan Fishel 2007). The evidence available suggests that the drive to increasing the rate of profit is exhibited as much by Chinese as by western capital. The west has the advantage in having already established its dominant position that is potentially being threatened by the `new boy on the block`. But China has the advantage of never having enslaved or colonized the continent. China has also not made any false promises coated with neo-liberalism. While the West, the IMF and the World Bank put conditions that only aid in their fleecing of Africa, China has so far been willing to provide unconditional aid and invest in infrastructure. At the same time, however, it freely takes full advantage of the opening up of markets that neo-liberal economic policies over the last 25 years have offered, unencumbered. And so far, unlike the US, China has not sought to establish military bases in Africa to protect its economic interests, which the US has sought to establish through AFRICOM Firoze Manji is director of Fahamu and editor of Pambazuka News.
SOURCE: Guardian
Friday, April 11, 2008
The First Lady Mama Salma Kikwete with US First Lady Laura Bush shortly after she arrived at the White House in Washington DC this morning to pay a courtesy call on Mrs. Bush.
Mama Kikwete is on a one week working tour of the US to forge links and establish partneships with other US based Non-Governmental Organisations for the implementation of her Wanawake na Maendeleo(WAMA) foundation's five year strategic plans.
WAMA's five year strategic plans aim at implementing the foundations' objectives that include, girl child education, Maternal and Child health, care for orphaned and vulnurable children and Women empowerment
Mama Kikwete is on a one week working tour of the US to forge links and establish partneships with other US based Non-Governmental Organisations for the implementation of her Wanawake na Maendeleo(WAMA) foundation's five year strategic plans.WAMA's five year strategic plans aim at implementing the foundations' objectives that include, girl child education, Maternal and Child health, care for orphaned and vulnurable children and Women empowerment
The American University School of Communication students speaks with the First Lady Mama Salma Kikwete shortly after she presented a paper at the campus this evening
ICT FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT VITAL—MAMA KIKWETE
By Freddy Maro in Washington9 April 2008.The First Lady Mama Salma Kikwete has said that it would be vital for the Tanzanian community to keep pace with the advancement of communications technology in order to maximize its full potential for the benefit of the society in general.The First Lady said this at the American University in Washington DC when she presented a paper on Investing in Education and Health Economic Empowerment and the Role of Communication: WAMA’s Communication strategy.The event was organized by the US based Non-Governmental organization Network for the Improvement of World Health in collaboration with School of Communication,American University AU.Mama Kikwete who is also the chairperson of the Wanawake Na Maendeleo foundation WAMA said that communication was the enabling tool WAMA uses to achieve its goals and that communication is the process through which ideas are expressed and information is exchanged between individuals.“ WAMA cares about the ideas we communicate as much as we do the means through which we transmit them,” the First Lady said adding that WAMA in line with the National HIV/AIDS communications strategy is engaged in a number of different activities to protect vulnerable groups in the society especially women and children and improve their health in general.She said her foundation launched the campaign with a theme” Treat Every Child as Your Own” to mobilize communities in Tanzania to respond to the country’s challenges regarding youth HIV/AIDS prevention and support for orphans and vulnerable children.WAMA chairperson further revealed that her foundation was currently working on a national mass media program entitled ” Save a Un born Child” a maternal and child health campaign that includes a focus on the prevention of mother to child transmission of HIV.“The campaign uses an integrated approach of billboards, radio, and Television spots as well as print material throughout the country to educate pregnant women about the importance of getting tested for HIV to prevent the transmission of HIV to their children if they are HIV positive,” she said.Mama Kikwete said WAMA was seeking to share the experience of women and young people with a larger Tanzanian family a move that necessitates the need to move beyond standard mass media campaigns towards other approaches that utilize the newest forms of Communication technology namely, the internet.
In his vote of thanks, The Dean of America University School of Communication Dr. Larry Kirkman thanked Mama Kikwete for her presentation and said the school will establish links with WAMA, in the near future, in order to enable the students do their research and other projects in Tanzania adding that the foundation was an ideal place for students to experience what they learn theoretically.The First Lady is in the US at the invitation of Network for The Improvement of the World Health, a trip that aims at forging collaborative links with similar objectives with WAMA in order to implement the foundation’s five year strategic plan with programs geared towards Girl Child Education, maternal and Child Health, Care for orphans and vulnerable children and empowerment of Women.
ICT FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT VITAL—MAMA KIKWETE
By Freddy Maro in Washington9 April 2008.The First Lady Mama Salma Kikwete has said that it would be vital for the Tanzanian community to keep pace with the advancement of communications technology in order to maximize its full potential for the benefit of the society in general.The First Lady said this at the American University in Washington DC when she presented a paper on Investing in Education and Health Economic Empowerment and the Role of Communication: WAMA’s Communication strategy.The event was organized by the US based Non-Governmental organization Network for the Improvement of World Health in collaboration with School of Communication,American University AU.Mama Kikwete who is also the chairperson of the Wanawake Na Maendeleo foundation WAMA said that communication was the enabling tool WAMA uses to achieve its goals and that communication is the process through which ideas are expressed and information is exchanged between individuals.“ WAMA cares about the ideas we communicate as much as we do the means through which we transmit them,” the First Lady said adding that WAMA in line with the National HIV/AIDS communications strategy is engaged in a number of different activities to protect vulnerable groups in the society especially women and children and improve their health in general.She said her foundation launched the campaign with a theme” Treat Every Child as Your Own” to mobilize communities in Tanzania to respond to the country’s challenges regarding youth HIV/AIDS prevention and support for orphans and vulnerable children.WAMA chairperson further revealed that her foundation was currently working on a national mass media program entitled ” Save a Un born Child” a maternal and child health campaign that includes a focus on the prevention of mother to child transmission of HIV.“The campaign uses an integrated approach of billboards, radio, and Television spots as well as print material throughout the country to educate pregnant women about the importance of getting tested for HIV to prevent the transmission of HIV to their children if they are HIV positive,” she said.Mama Kikwete said WAMA was seeking to share the experience of women and young people with a larger Tanzanian family a move that necessitates the need to move beyond standard mass media campaigns towards other approaches that utilize the newest forms of Communication technology namely, the internet.
In his vote of thanks, The Dean of America University School of Communication Dr. Larry Kirkman thanked Mama Kikwete for her presentation and said the school will establish links with WAMA, in the near future, in order to enable the students do their research and other projects in Tanzania adding that the foundation was an ideal place for students to experience what they learn theoretically.The First Lady is in the US at the invitation of Network for The Improvement of the World Health, a trip that aims at forging collaborative links with similar objectives with WAMA in order to implement the foundation’s five year strategic plan with programs geared towards Girl Child Education, maternal and Child Health, Care for orphans and vulnerable children and empowerment of Women.
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